Burdens of bedlam- a creation of GoI’s indecisiveness- I & II

Two and half schools of analysts

After Thailand based Swedish journalist, Bertil Lintner ended up writing a travelogue of his journey through the jungle of Naga Hills to Kachin Hills and right upto Yunnan Province before he came back via flight is well documented in his book, ‘Land of Jade’, which is as good as Bible for us, who desire to understand ultra movement in North-East. He became a hero, a legendary personality and cult figure amongst the journalistic fraternity; he is part of folklore amongst curious observers and analysts keeping a close watch on ultra’s movement in the NE region (NER).

Thereafter, lot of ‘wanna-be-Bertils’ made it across to northern Myanmar camps of underground elements from NE region in search of elusive status to be part of folklores. There are two schools of security analysts today in the NER. In my own parlance, I term them as ‘Wasbir Hussain School’ and ‘Subir Bhowmick School’ of analysts. Former school is less of field work, more of arm-chair research contrary to latter’s hands-on and depth understanding of ‘non-state actors’. Wasbir Scholar’s are more media savvy, precise and articulate but bereft of realities. On the other hand, Subir Scholar’s are non-too articulate but well grounded with facts, figures and more credible.

But, having never crossed an inch beyond Pangsau Pass in Nampong areas of Jairampur or Kibito and Dichu in Anjaw district which is just few kilometers from Burma and China borders respectively, one have had fair access to few areas and camps and interacted with few important people but, honestly, one can’t make tall claim as Bertil Lintner or Subir Bhowmick.

Thus, make no mistake; I don’t belong to any school of analysts.

Pawn in the Chinese Checker

Based on limited understanding and based on much lesser interaction compared to seasoned journalist that I have mentioned of; one did have extensive discussions with the credible people in the ‘know-of-things’. With brain that one has, few inferences from the collated primary data and personal interviews over the last two and half years has been drawn out to analyze the role of few ‘real’ or ‘fictional’ protagonists in the whole web of mess that has entangled an entire generation of Arunachalees in the jungles of Patkai & Kachin Hills for the cause of ‘Government of the People's Republic of Nagaland (GPRN)’ to ‘Greater Nagalim’ to ‘Supra-State’.

And, one can be sure that many more of our boys and girls, from Tirap-Changlang-Longding which borders eastern Nagaland, would continue to fight and become martyrs for Eastern Nagaland People's Organisation (ENPO) led ‘Eastern Nagaland’ movement in days to come.

Facts and fictions

Political corridors, social circles and academia have always credited two relatives, L Wanglat, a catholic Christian and TL Rajkumar, for sowing the seeds of NSCN (Isaac Chisi Swu-Thuingaleng Muivah) & NSCN (SS Khaplang) respectively in Tirap for Tirapians. There is no evidence to such claims. Like many other political leaders from that region, they might have hobnobbed, might have been to Camp Hebron, and might have paid huge sum for safety and security in all likelihood. There is perhaps a very little evidence to such allegations and charges. If at all, those cardinal ‘error of judgments’ led the politicians to hobnobbing, ritualistic ‘summoned tour’ to headquarter, paying-up; then, they all did it discreetly in earlier days.  Here, the game and its rule have changed over the past decades along with the re-generation of trees Patkai hills, after Supreme Court’s timber ban in 1996. With ceasefire declared between rebel groups and Indian Armies, limited applicability within Nagaland against the conventional trend; and this ceasefire agreement is non-existent for the same rebel groups, on the edges and outside of eastern border of Nagaland. Thus, one can count more than 12 legislators plus at least couple of more senior politicians from Lohit and other parts of Arunachal who are in indiscreet contacts with the GPRN cadres and their interactions over phone are on records.

Importance & role of Church

It is a fact that both Isaac-Muivah (IM) and Khaplang (K) factions have affinity to the same denominations of Christianity- Baptist Church. Therefore, preceding line as the given situation, roles of few church leaders need to be evaluated objectively and pragmatically. Few decades back, Bertil Lintner in his book, ‘Land of Jade’, a book which was subsequently banned in Nagaland for demystifying the great fight for Naga nation, elaborated the role of a Baptist preacher and his family in an Isaac-Muivah camp inside the thick jungles of Kachin; and Lintner depicted a graphic pictorial of Muivah’s wife commitment to the faith.

In essence, acceptability of Church is also borne by the facts that Baptist denominations of Christianity figures prominently in all reconciliatory initiatives and talks starting with the formation of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) in February 2008. FNR is a body comprising of all the frontal Naga organisations, including the Council of Naga Baptist Churches (CNBC), Nagaland Baptist Church council (NBCC) and the Nagaland Christian forum (NCF) and other civic groups. On the initiatives of FNR, amidst gory violence back in Nagaland and at a time when Naga folks were losing hope, in June 2009, the ‘Covenant of Reconciliation(CoR)’ was signed by Isaac C Swu, chairman, NSCN/GPRN; SS Khaplang, chairman, GPRN/NSCN; and Brig (Retd) S Singnya, Kedahge (president), federal government of Nagaland after the Chiangmai-V. Here too, it was the drive of FNR convenor, Rev Dr Wati Aier that ensured the success. Internationally, back-door backing of forum such as Baptist World Alliance; Quakers and American Baptist Churches are well documented too.

Lighting the fire

Therefore, nothing in the succeeding few paragraphs should be read through myopic jaundice eyes clouded with dogmatic fanaticism and should not be interpreted against any religion or in favour of any faith, but oral history in the open vistas of villages and concrete wall of towns echoes that seed of NSCNs’ presence in the region was sown by a pastor, an individual; an individual who used the garb of Christianity for a wrong purpose in Tirap, Arunachal.

Untold facts, startling though, shall never remain within the valleys and ridges of Patkai and Kachin Hills; and it shall no longer be part of ‘Chinese whispers’ in the dining table, hereafter.

It was a certain pastor of Baptist denomination, a denomination to which both IM and K vow their allegiance; Pastor Mua Baba motivated and sent the first batch of 12 young men; let me reiterate it was just 12 boys then, across the border of Patkai Hills into Kachin Hills for arms training under the tutelage of IM faction. But Baba’s affinity to the IM faction did not go down well with Khaplang faction. Bitter wounds of rivalries between both the groups, after the differences borne out of Shillong Accord of 30 April 1988, were still fresh. And for his quixotic adventure, Mua Baba had to pay the price. Reportedly, Khaplang faction did not take this ‘impartiality’ kindly. It is narrated, mind you-there is no proof like ‘still-photos’ or ‘video recordings’, pastor was tortured in an archaic fashion: he was hanged in an electric pole, in front of entire village folks of Otongkhua, about 30 kms from Khonsa. Muaa Baba was skinned to death, his nails were pulled out and then salt, chilly-powder and ginger paste were applied over exposed parts, so goes the tale. This torture ended with his death on third day.

That was the beginning of dark-period. With passage of time, seeds grew into wild grass of poison ivies. Myanmar’s Hemi Naga Khaplang roped in more Nocte Naga cadres from Arunachal Pradesh then he could manage from Nagas from Manipur or Nagaland.  On the other hand, Tangkhul Naga from Manipur, Th. Muivah and Sema Naga from Nagaland, Isaac Chisi Swu had more Indian Nagas put-together. But NSCN (IM) too started making inroads into Tirap, slowly and steadily; initially with cadres from Nagaland & Manipur but later with Nocte Nagas. With passage of time, domination line was demarcated as Changlang for ‘K’ and Tirap for ‘IM’. Thereafter, rest as they is history. The entire Arunachalees are still carrying the burdens of bedlam.

(End of Part-I) 

Burdens of bedlam- a creation of GoI’s indecisiveness- Part Two

IA’s experiments

As a realist, all the politicians are right to be discreet and, as an open defiance to the law of land, they are all the more right to be indiscreet enough to leave trails of evidence behind them. Not their mistake, not their creation; GoI and its agencies must own up the responsibilities for where we are today. This is the upshot of experiments after experiments of GoI’s intelligence agencies (IA) like Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) along with the interlocutors and as a resultant, Arunachalees and its leaders is not able to bear the burden of GoI’s inefficiency and indecisiveness, any further and anymore.

Inefficiency and indecisiveness is pardonable, but what is wrong is the subtle push and diplomatic shove of their wrong policies’ in Naga Peace Process (NPP), over to Arunachal’s territory. Experimental policies of GoI’s agency especially RAW is well documented by B. Raman an ex-IB (External Intelligence of Ministry of External Agencies) and first few IPS officer who joined RAW on ‘day zero’ of its formation in 1968. Dedicating his book, ‘Kawboys of RAW’, to the founding boss, Mr. Kaw, under whom he started working for RAW, Raman details out the inherent challenges of ‘command-control’, information dissemination, analysis and interpretations within ‘bureaucratic red-tapism’.

In more than four decades of existence, RAW has made commoners pay the price for their follies. Latest folly that boomeranged on Arunachalees is the adopted ‘Maoist Strategies’ of ‘slow alienation’ of Khaplang faction’ in NPP before they could for a kill in an opportune moment with a broader agenda to push out Myanmar’s Naga from NPP, while dangling a carrot called ‘Supra State’ as reward for scaling down from ‘Independence & Sovereignty’ to ‘Greater Nagalim’, thereby hastening the closure of half-a-century old Naga issue with Indian Nagas led by Th. Muivah and IC Swu.

Elusive & cursed mirage

Th. Muivah and IC Swu who are no longer young may be in a hurry to see the deal through in their life-time; but SS Khaplang is geared up for another long haul and one more generational war. Break away of Indian Konyak Nagas from the leadership of Hemei Nagas of Myanmar, under the leadership of Kohle Konyak during June 2011, may have left the notion that GoI’s interlocutors no longer have to deal with Khaplang faction. But that’s far from reality, if that’s the impression amongst the GoI’s agencies. Make no mistake.-adopting is different from adapting.

Tactical and strategic ‘error of judgments’ on part of IAs ensured that signing of NPP deal is still light years away now.

Khaplang faction is back to its forte. Hundreds of Nocte Nagas from Tirap forms nucleus of his team now. For the first time, Arunachal Pradesh has a UG group which we can call our own. ‘Resources like money should not go to Nagaland anymore’ – that’s the mantra amongst the new NSCN-K, and magic mantra is motivating enough to evoke emotive responses from young bloods, who have been silent sufferers in decades long embarrassing dominance of ‘outsiders’ from across the Naga Hills.

Greater Nagalim may become a reality sooner than later, if NSCN (IM) and NSCN (KK) compromise on geographical spread. But NPP shall have to wait for NSCN leaders to embark on their journey lest there is a climb-down from 1, 20,000 sq. km that includes 5 (five) districts of Assam such as parts of Sibsagar, Golahgat, Jorhat, Karbi Anglong, North Cachar Hill districts), four districts of Manipur - Senapati, Ukhrul, Chandel and Tamenglong, and two districts-Tirap & Changlang-of Arunachal Pradesh (Tirap and Changlang), with a section of Myanmar territory.

NPP deal’s climax shall depend on the emerging and evolving role of ENPO in eastern Nagaland, which has a huge potential of pulling Nocte Nagas of Tirap to its fold.

Second & third decisive factors

Left in the team of Khaplang cadre would be the Tangsa’s of Changlang but one can foresee a potent threat coming from United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA)’s anti-talk faction led by Commander-in-chief, Paresh Barua. Traditionally, ULFA had cadre catchment areas have been the upper Assam’s tea belt comprising of tea –tribe’s of Moran and Motok communities. Prominent figures, within anti-talk faction, are Jiban Moran who is Baruah’s right hand man and Rahendra Moran, student leader turned activist, from these communities.  Persecuted Morans and Motoks’ uprising in their quest for scheduled tribe (ST) status has given way for a formation of rebel armed group, with the consent of the elders of the community, as per the media reports. Sign of time is confirming the fact that Morans and Motoks are on their own with around 100 young boys aged between 18-23 years. With less option, ULFA’s anti-talk faction has developed a new cadre sourcing ground amongst the Mising and Miri dominated areas. Historically, Misings and Miris had never been part of ULFA’s movement but time has changed.

That’s not alarming for us, though.

ULFA’s recruitment strategy has nothing to do with Arunachal Pradesh and therefore, should be of least botheration. But Khaplang led NSCN must be worried. As per the latest inputs received from various credible sources confirms the fact that newly trained armed ‘Mising-Miri’ boys of ULFA are based out Changlang’s industrial hub of Kharsang. That’s leaves huge space for wild guess as to whether Paresh Barua would continue with his non-conventional recruitment strategy and lure away the Tangsa boys from NSCN movement.

These are few emerging fact which can change the course of trends for which we all will have to wait and watch. Pertinently, IA’s divisive policy in breaking down ULFA has back-fired on Arunachalees one more time and we, the Arunachalees, have once again silently agreed to live with it.

Presence of 100 Maoists trained armed Khampti boys in Lohit also does not augur well for Arunachal, as well as ultras. There is bound to be fights for ‘human resources’ in Arunachal Pradesh.

Conclusion

Role of a Church leader led to the growth of ultras in Arunachal Pradesh but the churches led to formation of FNR and signing of CoR and thereby restored peace in Nagaland to a large extent. Logically, poison ivies sown by Church must be destroyed by Church itself. Time has come for Arunachal’s church leaders to introspect to find a way out and follow the Naga church leaders’ path of peace and harmony. Not to forget and not to miss is the Don Bosco’s initiative of setting up of a school on March 5 last in presence of N Tingkhatra and Wangling Lowangdong, in Otongkhua village, the very same village where Mua Baba, the harbinger of ultras in Tirap, was tortured to death.

In other words, without condoning any action against law of land, to squarely put it on few political leaders for hobnobbing with ultras and thereby alleging charges of bringing ultras to pristine Arunachal Pradesh, bereft of facts is a sin.  In the same breath, without discussing the role of GoI’s IAs in alienating the Arunachalees; and in compromising the interests of Arunachalees for sake of restoring peace, progress and prosperity in Nagaland and Assam is unpardonable.

Haven’t Arunachalees sacrificed more for Indian nation state than any of the North Eastern states thereby never deserving the status of a ‘junk-yard’ or are the GoI’s AIs and interlocutors keeping their self interests in ‘life-time perks and benefits’ above anything else. Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) must justify why Arunachalees are always the pawn, even in Indo-Sino game, a subject I will deal with some other time.